Користувач:SitizenX/Чернетка

  • Ясна 51.12:

Кавай брехливий Вепья

на перевалі взиму

В гостинності відмовив

Спітамі Заратуштрі

Й тремтячим та замерзлим

його обом тваринам…

1 ред.

As Strauch (2009: 214) points out, however, the expression ayasa vutraka(*lasa) ‘of Azes who is deceased’ most likely places it at some point in or just outside the range from Azes year 63 (AD 16/17) to Azes year 126 (AD 79/80).

Аз І (47/46 — …)
Азіліс (… — до 15/16) стр. 129, I was ‘deceased’ (Skt. atīta ‘one who has gone beyond’, vṛttakāla ‘one whose time has passed’) and dates to employ this formula begin from 63 Azes (15/16 CE)
Аз ІІ (до 16/17 — 30/31)


42 рік Содаси

Генеалогія Сурена[1]
?
I. Май / Мога ВеликийМахенаАртаПішпасі
III. Спалур (Спаліріс/Спалагор)II. ВононАртемідор
СпалагдамаМіхран СуренаIV. Аз (І) ВеликийТелефХарагоста КамуяАбугола
неназваний Теопатор (син бога)V. АзілісМуджатрія
(Гаджатрія / Гаюара)
Танліс МардатаРангодемаVI. Аз (ІІ)МанігулаРаджувулаЯсі
Камуя
Гадана (Ортагна)СарпедонVII. Гондофар ВеликийДжигуньякаСудаса (Шудаса)?Нададіяка
УбозанаАбдагаз (I)Харагоста
СанабарСінакСас(ан)Сатаваштра
Абдагаз (ІІ)ТірідатХарапалана
ПакорАдур-СасанВанаспара
Фарн-Сасан

Влада и владарі в Старій Авесті ред.

Кавай

Kavi is the Indo-Iranian term for «(visionary) poet.» The Avestan word is declined according to an archaic i-declension, which also includes Young Avestan haxi- «companion»: sing. nom. kauuā (YAv. kauua), acc. kauuaēm (< *kavayam; cf. OInd. sakhāyam), gen. YAv. kauuōiš, plur. nom. kauuaiiō (kāuuaiias-cā), gen. kaoiiąm (cf. haxa, haxāim < *haxāyam, haxaiiō, hášąm < *haxyām). There is an ambiguity in the acc. kauuaēm, which is also a form of the derived adjective kauuaiia found in kauuaēm xᵛarənō (gen. kāuuaiiehe-ca) «the xᵛarənah of the kauuis» (see below, xii).

The term may be older than Indo-Iranian, if Lydian kaveś and the Samothracean title cited by Hesychius as koíēs or kóēs are related and, perhaps, to be compared with Scandinavian skue «see» and English show, German schauen, etc. (Watkins, p. 88).

Indo-Iranian poets also performed the sacrifices (yaj-/yaz-), the primary purpose of which was to fight darkness and evil and reestablish order in the universe by making the sun rise and the rains fall. Of the Iranian kauuis/kays, Kauui Haosrauuah/Kay Husrōy and Kauui Vištāspa/Kay Wištāsp play central roles in the universal eschatology, while the role of the others is more generally to keep the forces of evil at bay.

In the oldest Indic poetry, the Rigveda, the term kaví refers to poets and priests and is frequently applied to gods (Agni, Indra, Soma, Mitra, Varuṇa, and others) performing this function. The kavís of old (pū́rva, pūrvyá) were «singers» (verb gṝ-), «libators» (hotar), and sacrificers (verb yaj-); they «announce» (verb śaṃs-) «words» (vac), «well-spoken words» (sūkta); and they serve as the gods’ charioteers (vahni) in the race to make the sun rise from the «rock» (aśman) and the world ocean. Their poems are made by their thoughts (mati, etc.), and they send their «poetic visions» (dhī) into the divine world. "Sustainers of ṛtá and discoverers of non-ṛtá, they set out on «great paths» (mahás patháḥ, Rigveda 2.24.7); and they find the hidden light and regenerate dawn (Rigveda 7.76.4). They are characterized by krátu, a kind of knowledge that permits them to perform their special functions: note kavíkrátu «having the krátu of the kavís» (Rigveda 3.2.4). The krátus of travelers are compared with charioteers or draft animals pulling chariots (cf. Rigveda 7.48.1, 90.5, etc.; see also Jamison, 2007, pp. 123-24).

In the Old Avesta, the generic term having become daēvic, the poet no longer refers to himself as kauui, but as «singer» (jaritar from gṝ-), «libator» (zaotar = OInd. hótar); he «announces» (verb sə̄ṇgha- = OInd. śaṃs-) «words» (vac), «well-spoken words» (hūxta), fashioned in his thoughts (manah-), and he sends his «visionary thoughts» (daēnā; cf. OInd. dhī) into the divine world. Similar to the krátus of the Old Indic poets, the «(guiding) thoughts» (xratu) of the saošiiaṇts, the successful Gathic poets, serve as the draft animals that pull the chariot of the sun, goaded by the poet's announcements (Yasna 46.3; cf. Rigveda 7.77.2, 79.1).

The evil kauuis, however, together with the «glutton» (? grə̄hma), deposit their xratus in the glutton's tangled web (Yasna 32.14), and it is by their incorrect sacrifices that the titles or functions of kauui and karapan have been ruined (Yasna 32.15; Skjærvø, 2001, pp. 352, 358-59; on the «quoting» function of the derivatives in -tāt-, see idem, 2007, p. 903; idem, 2009a, pp. 167-68). By their evil work, they destroy the new existence (Yasna 46.11). Thus they contrast in detail with the successful sacrificers, and there is no reason to doubt that they too are sacrificers, albeit unsuccessful ones. The Old Indic uśíj, another kind of priest, was also demonized as Old Avestan usixš, mentioned together with the kauui and karapan as mistreating the cow (Yasna 44.20; see Skjærvø, 2001, p. 354).

The term kəuuīna, traditionally thought to refer to a «princeling» whose favor, apparently, Zarathustra failed to win (Yasna 51.12), is more likely to refer to a "poetaster, " and its epithet vaēpiia (cf. OInd. vepī «inspired» [+ song: gir]) to the trembling and shaking (OInd. verb vip-) in pretended poetic ecstasy, rather than to his sexual practices (Avestan vaēpaiia- and vifiia-, to have active and passive anal intercourse; see HOMOSEXUALITY i. IN ZOROASTRIANISM). Note the common juxtaposition of Rigvedic kaví and viprá (e.g., Rigveda 6.15.7, 8.44.21, 9.18.2; see Jamison, 2007, p. 124) and, especially, Rigveda 3.3.7, where Agni is said to be the uśíj with good kratu among the inspired (vip) gods.

In the Old Avesta, only Vištāspa has the epithet/title kauui. His name is mentioned three times in connection with the divine reward, which agrees with his mention at the end of the hymn to Anāhitā (q.v.) as a model of those who won the race (Yašt 5.132). Once, apparently, he has the epithet zaraθuštri (Yasna 53.2), which, in the Young Avesta, is an epithet of the priest, usually paired with mazdaiiasna (e.g., Yasna 12), probably «Zarathustrid» in the sense of «following the tradition of Zarathustra.»

Карапани

KARAPAN (or Karpan), designation of members of a class of daivic priests opposed to the religion of Zarathustra. These priests were a part of the general society in which Zarathustra was active, as reflected in his Gāthās, but they seem to have receded into legendary status already in the formulaic sāθrąm kaoyąm karafnąmca «of tyrants, kawis and karpans» of more recent Yašt compositions; and in the Pahlavi literature they figure prominently only in the legends of Zarathustra.

In the Gāthās the term scans metrically as a disyllabic stem karpan-. Only the nom. sg. karᵃpā and nom. pl. karᵃpanō are attested in Gāthic, while Standard Avestan has only the gen. pl. karᵃfnąm (cf. marəθnō). Chr. Bartholomae (AirWb., col. 455) compared OInd. kálpa- masc. ‘ritus,’ thus approximately ‘ritualist.’ However, the existence of the OInd. verb √kalp- or its derivatives in Iranian is quite dubious (see Mayrhofer, 1986, p. 324). Still, a formation parallel to mąθrān- would not be impossible; though one would expect *karᵃpānō in the plural. V. I. Abaev's (1956) attempt to connect with Av. xrafstra- was in error. Most likely is W. B. Henning's comparison (1951, p. 45) of Xwar. karb- ‘to moan, mumble.’ Rather than originally a pejorative designation ‘mumbler,’ as supposed by Henning, it would have referred to a priestly functionary, as shown by M. Schwartz (1985, pp. 479-81), who cogently derived the term from *√karp- (OInd. √krap- /kṛp-‘to pray for, implore; lament’) with the meaning ‘supplicator, hymnist.’ Alternatively, if Henning's ‘mumbler’ were to be retained, the karpan would have been similar to the Vedic adhvaryu, who recited in an undertone while performing his duties. Although it may be pure coincidence, in the Dēnkard (IX.3.20; ed. Madan, p. 618.2-3) we find dandīd Brātrōrēš ī karb «Brātrōrēš the karb muttered.» However that may be, karᵃpan- may best be taken as a primary derivative in -an- (IE -en-). Since Vedic √krap-is a seṭ-root, its derivatives kṛpaṇyá-, kṛpaṇyú- and kṛpaṇá- suggest that the vocalization of our word may have been *kṛpan-/kṛfn-. A secondary derivative, karapō.tāt- (karpatāt-) fem. ‘karpan-ship’ is also attested. The Pahlavi glosses give only karb (klp).

Central to Zarathustra's complicated conceptual system was the Cow, who, because of his metaphorical use of language, can be the cow in the pasture or hieratic poetry or both simultaneously (see ZOROASTER, online). At Y. 44.20 Zarathustra asks if the Daiwas have ever been good rulers, «through whom the karpan and the usij [another priestly designation; OInd. uśíj-] have given the Cow to Wrath, and whom (?) the kawi made to lament for (her) soul.» At 32.12 a certain karpan is singled out as an abuser of the Cow: «Mazdā speaks bad (words) to those who ruin the life of the Cow with sayings of bliss [see Schwartz, 2006, p. 87, n. 6], because of whom Grāhma the karpan chose the rule of the *violent and the Lie over Truth.» The Cow also figures at 51.14: «the karpans are not allies, contrary (as they are) to the laws of pasturage, intolerant of the stranger's cow.» In alliance with evil rulers the karpans also afflict men. Thus, 48.10: «When will he smite the piss of this drunkenness by which, maliciously, the karpans inflict racking pain (on people) and by which, deliberately, the evil rulers of the countries (rob them)?» Again, now specifically allied with kawis, Y. 46.11: «By virtue of their powers the karpans and kawis yoke to evil deeds a mortal in order to destroy existence.» Zarathustra's attitude toward the karpans and the kawis appears to be that, although they had held legitimate offices in society, «they [viz. Grāhma and the kawis] squandered the karpanship and the kawiship» (Y. 32.15). An exception, of course, was Kawi Wištāspa, who exercised good rulership by becoming Zarathustra's patron and protector. Irrespective of the usage of kaví- in OIndic, kawi was a princely title (as AirWb., col. 442; Schwartz, 1985, p. 479). The reason that they are cited together with the karpans is that each exercised power in their respective domains of the temporal and the sacred.

The association of the karpans with wielders of temporal power (xšaθra) carries over to the repeated formula of the Yašts: sāθrąm kaoyąm karafnąmca "of tyrants, kawis and karpans, " where the first two terms form a kind of hendiadys for those exercising misrule, in contrast to those abusing the sacerdotal function. Restricted as they are to only formulaic status, the karpans had become only a distant memory by the time they are mentioned in the Yašts.

2 ред.

Years 80 to 77 BC: Sinatruces attacked Iran and with the help of a Saka army managed to capture the Parthian throne, but Orodes I the son of Mitradates III, stubbornly resisted in Seleucia.

Years 77 to 75 BC: In 87 BC, Orodes entered Iran and after defeatingKamnaskires the king of Elam confronted Sinatruces. In the ensuing battle orbattles Orodes lost his life.

Years 75 to 73 BC: Once again Sinatruces overrun the Iranian plateau and re-captured the Parthian throne, but the Young Prince son of Orodes I, managed tohold Seleucia and Sinatruces failed to conquer Mesopotamia. Sometimes duringthis period, the Young Prince entered Iran and confronted Sinatruces; however, Sinatruces died in 73 BC perhaps of old age.

Years 73 to 69 BC: Now the Young Prince was in control of bothMesopotamia and all over the Iranian plateau, but a tetradrachm of Phraates III minted in Seleucia in 69 BC changed the picture completely.

Gotarzes I (91-87BC) After the death of Mithradates II, his son Gotarzes (S29) succeeded him on thethrone. His coins were minted all over the Parthian empire from Seleucia to thefar eastern cities such as Aria, Traxiana and Margiana (Ref.4, p68). On his coinshe is depicted as a monarch in his middle-ages, wearing a tiara similar to thatworn by his father.

In the reign of the King of Kings, Arsaces, the Beneficent, the Just, the Manifest and the Philhellene, and of the Queens, Siake, his compaternal sister and wife, and Aryazate surnamed Automa, daughter of the Great King Tigranes, and his wife, and of Azate, his compaternal sister and wife, in the year 225, in the month Apellaios

This indicates that he was the son-in law of Tigran II king of Armenia and thename of his wife, daughter of Tigran, was Aryazate surnamed Automa; so therelation between the Parthian and the Armenian royal courts was governed byfamily ties. All the above information points to a smooth transfer of power fromMithradates II to his son Gotarzes. Although he did not seem old enough to diesoon; but he died in July/August 87 BC

1 ред.

f) A special, puzzling position is that of type 33. Many of its obverses are indistinguishable from those of type 39, as it is clear from the comparison of a suffi ciently large sample of both (as a whole both as coins, casts and photographs I have fi led 206 drachms of type 33 and 87 of type 39 plus many more seen at dealers and I can not fi nd a single feature in the whole series of obverses which unambiguously and consistently separates the two issues) (fi g. 30) but the reverses of type 33 have both a different inscription and never have monograms. Their position before the types with monograms is logical, but in order to decide its position as well as that of type 29, with respect to type 30 we have to take into account the evidence from the mint of Susa and so this will be discussed further on. Anyway types 33 and 39 are also connected by a transitional coin (countermarked by Otanes) inscribed ΘΕΟΠΑΤΟΡΟΣ ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝΟΣ and with monogram of Rhagae and by a second coin, not counter-stamped that joins a very fi ne obverse with a reverse with a rather incorrect inscription, which, however, clearly was meant to read as the other one (fi g. 16) and I consider these two coins as critical evidence that the engraver and his controllers considered that they were preparing the die for a continuation with minor changes of the issues of type 33. These coins are perfectly regular issues as proved by comparison with a suffi ciently large series of coins of types 33 and 39, the comparative series available to me (coins, casts and photos) numbering, as I said 373 specimens. g) It is virtually impossible that type 35 has been issued by any of the other kings: His approximate chronological position is established by the morphology of his monograms and especially by the mon. 3 that is intermediate between the mon. 1 of type 36 and the standard mon. 4 of all the later kings. The adoption of a facing portrait is clear indication that he wanted his issues to be clearly distinguishable from those of any other king. As we shall see that there is strong evidence supporting the attribution to Phraates III of both types 33 and 39, if this will be agreed, it follows that types 35, 36 (who, anyway has an entirely different profi le from 39) and 38 can not belong to Phraates. Anyway, as far as the internal evidence of the Iranian issues goes, these, at least at some mints, must be arranged in the following sequence: type 29 → 30 →34 → 31 → 33 → 36 →35 → 38 → 39 → 40/16.24 As for the evidence provided by the countermarked coins, this has been already discussed in other papers (A. Simonetta 2001) and may just be summarized as follows: available Arsacid drachms were countermarked to begin from the times of type 33 and of Tanlismaidates and Rangodeme, often on imitations of the genuine specimens (occasionally The series of copper coins of the Indo-Parthians with the royal portrait on the obverse and a winged Nike on the reverse is generally attributed to Arachosia… As David MacDowall (1965: 137) correctly pointed out, these Indo-Parthian copper coins of the Nike type were struck as the principal coin denomination of Arachosia and were themselves intended to pass as copper tetradrachms of the Indian standard. The following chronological order proposed by D.W. MacDowall (1965: 141) for the Nike type Arachosian issues is now generally accepted by most scholars for the Indo-Parthians who issued the Nike type coinage: Gondophares, Abdagases, Orthagnes, Pacores and Gondophares II.106 MacDowall uses four arguments to justify the sequence of these four main kings. Firstly he shows that though the copper coins of each king in this Arachosian series are struck to a remarkably close weight standard, there is a slight difference in weight between coins of one king to another. He then correctly argues that though all these coins were obviously intended to pass as the same denomination, the series suffered a slight but nevertheless perceptible reduction in its weight standard under each succeeding king.107 Secondly, he further supports this sequence by arguing that Gondophares uses the old omega, square sigma, and square omicron, whereas his successor Abdagases changes to the round cursive forms of odd letters, which both Orthagnes and Pacores continue to use. MacDowall's third argument is the use of titulature in the Arachosian series. Gondophares was content to use the simple titulature 'soter'. It is important to underline that it was the same epithet that appears on the last series of copper coinage struck in the name of Hermaeus (cf. BN, series 20 & above Hermaeus, group 7).108 Orthagnes and Pacores, who never ruled over the former Indo-Parthian territories in the Indus valley, adopted on their coinage in Arachosia the more grandiose titulature: which their predecessors had used on their Indus valley coinages following the practice of Azes II.

MacDowall's final argument is that this order gives a chronological significance to the direction in which the king's head faces. Gondophares and Abdagases have the right-facing portrait on the Arachosian coinage, and their successors Orthagnes and Pacores have leftfacing portraits, the more usual direction in the Parthian regal series. A Nike type coin of Pacores overstruck on a coin of Soter Megas justifies this chronological sequence.109 The sequence for this Arachosian series proposed by MacDowall was further developed by Joe Cribb (1985 B: 298) by adding Ubouzanes between Orthagnes and Pacores, and Sanabares after Pacores. Another king of this dynasty, Sanabares, struck rare copper tetradrachms of the Nike type with his name in Greek characters.110 On his coinage his head faces left and adds megas in the titulature. Both facts made MacDowall associate Sanabares with Orthagnes and Pacores rather than with Gondophares the Great and Abdagases. Chronologically MacDowall places Sanabares after Pacores and Gondophares II, since the weights of Sanabares’ coins are clearly below the weight range of Pacores and Gondopharesin gold) by one or two local dynasts followed by Otanes (or Tanlis) who, however countermarked only Arsacid coins with tiara, the bulk of the countermarked coins belonging to types 31 (one specimen being on a mule 28/31 ex Shore, 470), 3325, 39. Towards the end of his rule Otannes counter-stamped a few coins of Orodes II (type 47.9) and was soon superseded by the Indo-Parthian Orthagnes, who employs the “Gondopharian symbol” (countermarks on types 47.29 and 91.9,10). This showing that the bulk of the Parthian currency available in the East around the middle of the fi rst century BC was made by a few late issues of Mithradates II and of types 31, 33, 39, while, for some reason, the coins with a diademed portrait had either vanished from the market or were deemed unacceptable by the counter-stamping dynasts until well into the reign of Orodes II (57–37 BC).



Considering geographical distribution of Indo-Parthian coin types and the legends they contain helps to begin the placement of the Indo-Parthians among their contemporaries. The previous coin types which inspired the Indo-Parthian issues can often be seen as their direct predecessors in the region, especially in the border provinces. The legends on the coins indicate not only where they were struck, but also who they were ruling over; Greek may have been understood and used by the ruling princely class, but not by the common people, sic the second legend in the local language.1

Similarly, in arguing the succession of Arachosia, MacDowell points out the use by Gondophares of the old omega, square sigma, and square omicron, where Abdagases switches to the round cursive forms.2

Overstriking is directly connected to the issues that were inspired by preceding and used by succeeding rulers. In southern Arachosia, Pacores issues provide good chronology as they were overstruck by Kushan king Soter Megas circa beginning of the 2nd century CE.3

In northern Arachosia, some issues of Abdagases I were overstruck on preceding Hermaus imitations (as had also been done to posthumous Hermaus issues by Gondophares) and subsequently the Abdagases issues were overstruck by the satrap Zeionises and Kujula Kadphises; suggesting that the Kushans had ended Indo-Parthian rule by 50 CE.1

In Gandhara and Taxila, overstrikes of Sases by Soter Megas also indicate that he was defeated by the Kushans in this region.2

In Jammu, Gondophares expelled the satrap Rajuvula (whose issues the Indo-Parthians imitated) as indicated by hoards, while later Sases issues were again overstruck by Soter Megas.3

In Sindh, Satravastres issues were overstruck by Nahapana, whose issues were then overstruck by Satravastres and later by Sases, placing them in the third quarter of the 1st century CE.4

Interestingly in this region Sases declares on his issues that he is the nephew of ‘Aspa’, who is possibly the strategos Aspavarman mentioned previously.5

Worth considering is the use of a tiara instead of a diadem by some rulers on their issues, potentially following the Parthian convention of using the tiara in joint reigns as described by Fabrizio Sinsi, which would partially explain the difficulty in establishing succession among the Gondopharids.6

This may point to a system of subordinate rulers or heirs for certain regions as has been suggested about the joint rule of Gondophares and Abdagases I in Gandhara and Taxila.7

Through these overstrikes it can be seen that Indo-Parthian power began to recede around 50 CE and had severely diminished by the beginning of the 2nd century CE.

In southern Arachosia, Pacores issues provide good chronology as they were overstruck by Kushan king Soter Megas circa beginning of the 2nd century CE.3 In northern Arachosia, some issues of Abdagases I were overstruck on preceding Hermaus imitations (as had also been done to posthumous Hermaus issues by Gondophares) and subsequently the Abdagases issues were overstruck by the satrap Zeionises and Kujula Kadphises; suggesting that the Kushans had ended Indo-Parthian rule by 50

Індо-скіфи та індо-парфяни. Гондофар (І). Парфянські війни. Розділення Сакастану між Парфянським та Кушанським царствами. ред.

«Правління Мая є цікавим прикладом елліністичної ідеології, впроваженої сувереном не греком. Варварська влада, як правило, є синонімом безладу та руйнування. Тут, навпаки, панування сакського царя могло бути найкращим шансом на виживання для еллінізму, навіть для грецької політичної влади, у Північній Індії. Май встановив сильну владу і зумів відновити громадянський мир після довгих і руйнівних воєн між греко-бактрійськими та індо-грецькими царями, які, безсумнівно, стали вирішальним фактором у втраті греками Бактрії, а згодом і більшої частини індо-грецьких територій, але вже під гегемонією сакського короля. Він також встановив релігійну толерантність між грецькою та індуїстською релігіями, надавши останнім офіційне визнання, що було відображено на монетах…»[2]

Він розумів, що, незважаючи на щедру ідеологію змішування рас, яку спочатку хотів Олександр, грецькі аристократи ніколи не погодилися б вважати саків, навіть сильно еллінізованих, рівними собі, і розділити з ними владу. Прийшовши до влади в Таксілі, Азес зайняв набагато більш радикальну позицію, ніж Мауес, основа нової ери, що ототожнювалася з епохою Вікрами, з початку його правління, що є одним з ознак реального кінця індо-Грецьке к з центром у Таксілі.

захоплено



Отже, на момент проголошення Гондофара царем царів всього Сакастану, а саме 30/31 р., політична ситуація в Парфії була наступна: царство очолював

  • «монети Артабана II переважають серед парфянських монет, перебитих Гондофаром.»[3]
Пізні Гондофаріди.

s'nbry MLK' gbwz'n 'King Sanabares, son of Ubouzanes'

prssn BRY 'twrssn BRY BRY tyrdty BRY npy s'nbry MLKYN MLK' (Farn-Sasan, son of Adur-Sasan, grandson of Tiridates, descendant of Sanabares, King of Kings).

[4] ред.

With this new lens to view the Apraca d3masty we can now approach some of the more unresolved pieces of Apraca history, primarily what happened after the thirty-year reign of the Apraca king Vijayamitra (II) and the prince and general Indravarma I, and situate this political power within the political history of Gandh^a. By proposing this two-branch hypothesis, one rooted in Bajaur and another that extended southeast into Gandhara, we can better understand the political manoeuverings that were taking place in this region on the cusp of the Kusana era, directly prior to the entrance of Kujula Kadphises and the integration of Bactria, Gandhara and northern India into an imperial unit. Our discussion of the Apraca dynasty concluded with an unresolved sixty-year gap between the last regnal year of Vijayamitra (11), 30/1 CE, and the numismatic concordance of Sasan, Vima Takto, and Aspavarma in about 90 CE. Some of this time can be allotted to the reign of the Apraca king Indravasu, maybe a decade or two, and if Indravarma 1 was Vijayamitra's (11) nephew and not his brother then he would have been part of the subsequent generation, again maybe living for a decade after Vijayamitra. This leaves a space for at least one Apraca ruler between Indravasu and Aspavarma, a person we believe to be the enigmatic prince Indravarma 11.

As discussed previously, Indravarma ITs parents, Vispavarma and ^isirena, do not fit into the Apraca chronology and the silver reliquary inscriptions make clear that Indravarma I and Indravarma II are two different people. Indravarma Il's silver reliquary does, however, contain one more piece of information pertinent to the Apraca dynastic lacima -the name of Kharaosta, the heir apparent and son of a mah^satrapa {mahaksatrapaputra [ya\gurarnha khara\yosta]sa).^^ It has always been assumed that Kharaosta was the same person named on the Mathura lion capital, and the appearance of his name on this silver vessel meant that he originally owned this wine goblet and gifted it to Indravarma II, who in turn repurposed it as a reliquary.3^ This interpretation connected Kharaosta with the Mathura ksatrapas Rajula and his son Sudasa and would therefore situate him in a territory towards the eastern extent of Gandhara, quite a distance from Bajaur. Joe Cribb has recently shown that based on numismatic grounds there were in fact two Kharaostas, the first the son of Sudasa referenced in the Mathura lion capital and the second, the son of Arta, who ruled at Nagarahara near Jalalabad. The coins of his son Mujatria show that he was a contemporary of Sasan and Aspavarma, therefore Kharaosta would have ruled a generation prior, alongside Indravarma II, the proposed father of Aspavarma.^^ It now appears that the transfer of the wine vessel from Kharaosta to Indravarma II took place between neighbouring polities, connected by the Kunar River and Nawa Pass. Reorienting Indravarma II closer to Bajaur also helps to clarify the significance of the biscript seal bearing the name of Indravarma. This garnet seal set in a gold ring bezel identifies an Indravarma as a lord (ispara) in Kharosthi and as an Apraca king (avacaraja) in Br^mi, but it has never been clear which Indravarma, the first or second, rose to the rank of Apraca king.^^ With Indravarma II now associated with Bajaur, the home of the royal Apraca branch, and situated in the dynastic slot between Indravasu and Aspavarma, it is likely that this was his seal, meaning that he transitioned from an Apraca prince to a king. If this interpretation is correct, then the structure of Indravarma II ruling in Bajaur while his son Aspavarma extended Apraca influence into Gandhara would closely parallel the two-branch system operating during the time of Vijayamitra (II) and Indravarma I. The following chart (Fig. 7) shows the newly reconstituted Apraca dynastic chronology and the two spheres of influence determined by reliquary features: Apraca Dynastic Chronology Bajaur Line Vijayamitra (II) (Apraca king) Vijayamitra (I) (Apraca king?) Visiuivarma = Riikhuna (Apraca king)

Gandhara Line Indravasu = Vasumitra Indragivarma (Apraca king|) (Prince) Vijayamitra (III)? Vispavarma = Sisirena (General) | Indi avarma II (Prince and Apraca King?) ~ — Aspavarma (Cominandei

Changing Aspavarma's line of descent from Indravarma I to Indravarma II makes Aspavarma the last member of the Apraca dynasty, an accurate placement since after him the Apracas fade from history. Yet, during his career as general, Aspavarma played a significant role in Gandh^a in the latter part of the first century CE, made evident by the large volume of his coins, a silver saucer found in Taxila bearing his name, and a reference to this figure found in Gandharan Buddhist manuscripts.^ In negotiating this complex political landscape, Aspavarma appears to have made an alliance with the Indo-Parthian ruler Sasan based on the shared Gondopharid symbol found on their coins and appears to have remained on peaceful terms with Mujatria who continued to rule in Jalalabad.^® Kujula Kadphises, the foimder of the Kusana Empire also arrived in Gandhara during this period, and the Apraca and Indo-Parthian alhance might also have prompted him to ally with the Odi kings ruling in Swat, a union suggested by Senavarma's gold leaf inscription that pays homage to Kujula Kadphises' son Sadaskana.^^ Until a large scale archaeological survey is conducted in Bajaur that clearly links the Apraca rulers with this region, pinpointing the exact location of this dynasty will remain speculative. However, by combining features of Apraca reliquaries with the textual evidence, we have moved closer to narrowing down the Apraca sphere of influence. Bajaur still seems like a highly probable place for these rulers to consolidate their power, and once in control of this region they expanded into Gandhara.

Юечжі ред.

Σαναβ

«The Salaterae and the Zariaspae inhabit Nothern Bactria along the Oxus river; toward the south below the Salaterae are the Chomari; below whom are the Coti, then the Acinacae, then the Tambuzi; below Zariaspa are the Tochari a great race; below these are the Marycaei, the Scordae and the Varni, and below these are the Sabadi; and next below Sabadi are the Orsipi and the Amarispi.»

«Салатереї і Заріаспи населяють Північну Бактрію вздовж річки Оксу; на південь нижче Салатерів — Хомари; нижче яких — Коти, потім Акінаки, потім Тамбузи; внизу Заріаспи — велике плем'я Тохарів; нижче — Марікеї, Скордеї та Варни, а нижче — Сабади; а далі нижче Сабадів — Орсіпи та Амаріспи»

Тацит
 — 51 Вологез у Вірменії (12,51) — кін.54р. Вологез у Вірменії (13,6)

The invading Pasianoi mentioned by Strabo may be considered as the linguistic ancestors of modern Pashto. This is also corroborated by the fact that Pashto shares several exclusive isoglosses with its former "steppe sisters, " Ossetic and Khotanese, even with Khwarezmian and Sogdian (two culturally and commercially important Iranian languages used in the Eurasian steppes). Ossetic and Khotanesecan be considered as a «proxy» of the closely related languages that the Asioi and Sakaraukai, the other invading tribes mentioned in the Classical sources, spoke respectively

For Bactrian αβαγανο we may posit a formation *apāka-āna- — ‘People from a distant land (behind Bactria),’ derived from *apānč-/ *apāka- ‘being behind, off.’ Pers. afġān would have developed from an older form *aβaġān, reflecting Bactrian αβαγανο.[5]


Однако попытка отождествить Герая и Куджулу Кадфиза вызвала обоснованную критику со стороны М. Алрама [Alram, 1999. P. 24–25].

(англ.) Nayef Al-Rodhan. A Neurophilosophy of Fake News, Disinformation and Digital Citizenship ред.

[6]

Behavioral explanations rooted in our social nature — and our craving for social belonging — are, however, not exhaustive. Another perspective, explored both in psychology and neuroscience, has looked at a rudimentary mechanism known as «fluency», which refers to the cognitive ease with which we process information. Information that is repeated on and on appears increasingly truer and in the process easier to comprehend, and thus more comfortable to the brain. A recent study from 2020 explored some of the related processes that help entrench notions of ‘truth’, with memory playing an important role (as we store all information and past experiences in our memory). However, it appears that memories are used as cues, and we can accept some claims to be true even if they only partially fit with what we remember. In other words, as one ethicist put it, we tend to go with «good enough». In a similar vein, a 2018 study analyzing susceptibility to partisan fake news in the United States concluded that ‘laziness’ and ‘lazy thinking’ largely explained the appeal of fake news, even more so than ‘bias’. The extensive study revealed that more analytic individuals were better able to differentiate between real and fake news, irrespective of their ideology.

One simple and underlying mechanism of fake news and disinformation has been to reinforce biases and enhance forms of antagonism between groups (often playing on in-group/out-group dynamics). On the one hand, «fake news» is literally the promotion of falsehood, typically through some journalistic outlet. Various examples of propaganda both historic and contemporary fit this definition, as does the new and troubling phenomenon of «deep fakes», wherein sophisticated computer reimaging introduces very convincing video footage of well-known personalities making statements or carrying out actions that they never said or carried out. This first form of fake news is certainly troubling, but it is importantly distinct from another notion of fake news. In this case «fake news» is an apparently superficial accusation leveled by those in positions of political power at commentators, journalists, and others who issue proclamations, write stories or offer commentary that persons in power object to. This «accusatory» form of the fake news phenomenon is dramatically changing our social and political world.

The concept of fake news then, by its very existence, and crucially by its frequent articulation, undermines the strength of belief that citizens have in news up, including science reported in the media. This is one reason why the current cultural moment has been described as a «post-truth era» given that the logical end of undermining epistemological confidence is a situation in which no one is taken to have a viable claim to truth.

The foregoing considerations harmonize with an observation from Yale historian Timothy Snyder, arguing that a propaganda machine can be among the most effective forms of psychological warfare in history. These facts remain sorely under-appreciated, as much of international relations, just war theory, and other fields associated with international conflict still tend to think in terms of visible movements of troops and military machinery or other highly visible displays of aggression and offense. The effectiveness of deploying «fake news» rhetoric and highly selective targeted disinformation, however, is far from accidental. In fact, it is an exhibition of highly refined techniques of sowing social and political discord that to the trained eye should refine and reshape our understanding of what constitutes aggression in the international system.

Philosophy has long compartmentalized emotions as different from — or rather, as hindrance to — rationality but evidence from neuroscience does not support this claim, just as it does not support the premise of inborn morality/immorality. Coalescing findings from neuroscience, I previously described human nature as emotional, amoral, and egoistic. Human nature is thus 1. emotional — far more than rational (in fact, emotionality overlaps with a large part of our cognitive functions, including decisionmaking), 2. amoral — lacking any innate notions of good and bad; this means that human morality will develop in the course of existence and depending on circumstances, although we do have some predispositions, the most powerful of which is for survival, and finally, 3. egoistic — which I conceptualized in the context of this powerful predisposition for survival, which is a basic form of egoism. Therefore, while largely unfinished upon birth, we do not come into being with an entirely blank slate, but rather with a predisposed tabula rasa, refined over millennia and geared toward survival (and those acts that maximize our chances of survival). Untutored human nature is therefore complemented only by a narrow suite of survival instincts that promote our welfare. This set of instincts includes pro-social tendencies in concert with the incredible capacity of homo sapiens to coordinate their activities for the mutual benefit of all. This inclination for social coordination, however, is sufficiently limited to generate only small groups under most circumstances, with the consequence that «ingroup-outgroup» formation—a readily observable phenomena across a host of biological species—is replicated in human beings at the tribal, ethnic, and national levels. (See also Joshua Greene's book.)

In auspicious circumstances, with positive socialization buttressed by a framework of well-directed education, these tendencies toward narrow grouping can be muted, and the solving of ever larger problems, including those addressed by international organizations, becomes potentially feasible. When, however, divisions, tribal affinities, and polarization are deliberately exacerbated the fragility of these larger cooperative constructions is revealed, and the instinctual response to silo oneself among other «believers» or those most clearly sharing one's group identity can become overwhelming. Disinformation campaigns exploit precisely these vulnerabilities.

From a neurophilosophical perspective, the powerful effect of fake news and disinformation can be framed in the context of older brain structures and the salience of emotionality. The premise that emotions and confirmation bias play central roles in the propagation of fake news comes as an intuitive hypothesis as it is known we will naturally gravitate towards information that is reassuring or that satisfies social and entrenched beliefs. This premise is confirmed by some of the earliest incursions in neuroscience: the prefrontal cortex, which is ‘tasked’ with our higher decision-making is not always ‘switched on’ when reading news, but it is rather the social portions of the brain that takes over — and experiments with functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) showed that when reading news that activates the social parts of the brain, the likelihood of sharing that information is exponentially higher. In behavioral terms, the propensity to share information that somehow connects us to a group can be explained simply by the fact that we are more likely to do something if we believe others are also engaged in that behavior.

In a similar vein, a 2018 study analyzing susceptibility to partisan fake news in the United States concluded that ‘laziness’ and ‘lazy thinking’ largely explained the appeal of fake news, even more so than ‘bias’. The extensive study revealed that more analytic individuals were better able to differentiate between real and fake news, irrespective of their ideology.


«… fabricated information that mimics news media content in form but not in organizational process or intent.»

Метод аналізу повідомлень у соціальних мережах ред.

Найбільш ефективні методи аналізу повідомлень у соціальних мережах вимагають відповідної програмної підтримки, тобто, щонайменше, напівавтоматичні.[7] Але є певні ознаки, які надають можливість визначити фейк-ньюс без додаткового ПЗ, а саме:

  • одночасна публікація ідентичного допису низкою не- чи мало пов'язаних між собою акаунтів;
  • активний репост та коментування непов'язаними акаунтами (за відсутності хештегів);
  • одночасний раптовий репост великою кількістю користувачів.

Скіфська міфологія ред.

«знания сообщались в форме гимнов - zar, песен - gъаr, молитворечитаций - argъaw, молитв - kuvd, а также... молитвотанцев - kavd, Нартиада сохранила их в контексте kadaeg».

Stephanie W. Jamison, Avestan xšuuīd: A Relic of Indo-Iranian Ritual Vocabulary.2015 «but rather as xv as in, for example, xvafna 'sleep'. (Ved. svápna-).»

Македонський календар Вавілонський календар Індійський календар
грецька українська транслітерація українська транслітерація українська
Ξανδικός Ксандік Nisannu (1) Нісанну Caitra (1) Саїтра
Ἀρτεμίσιος Артемісій Aiaru (4) Аяру Vaiśākha (1) Ваішаха
Δαίσιος Даісій Simanu Сіману Jyaiṣṭha (2) Дж'яйщтга
Πάνημος Панем Du'zu (1) Ду-зу Āṣāḍha (6) Ащядга
Ὀλώιος Олой Abu (1) Абу Śrāvaṇa (6) Шраванья
Γορπιαῖος Горпіай Ululu (1) Улулу Prauṣṭhapada (2) Праущтгапада
Γορπιαῖος ἐμβόλιμος (1)
Ὑπερβερεταῖος Гіперберетай Tashritu Ташріту Āśvayuj (1) Ашваюдж
Δίος Діо Araḫsamnu Араґсамну Kārttika (6) Картіка
Ἀπελλαῖος Апеллай Kislimu (1) Кісліму Mārgaśīrṣa Марґашірщя
Αὐδυναῖος Аудінай Tebetu (1) Тебету Tiṣya (1) Тіщ'я
Περίτιος Перітій Shabatu Шабату Māgha Маґга
Δύστρος Дістр Addaru Аддару Phālguna Пгалґуна
Δύστρος ἐμβόλιμος

Примітки ред.

  1. один з наразі висловлених варіантів
  2. F. Widemann. Maues King of Taxila: An Indo-Greek Kingdom with a Saka King. East and West, Vol. 53, No. 1/4 (December 2003), pp. 95-125.
  3. англ. «The district of Herat may have been lost by Artabanus II (c. A.D. 10 — 38) to Gondophares of Herat, for Artabanus II coins predominate among the Parthian coins overstruck by Gondophares.» Parthia.com. Overstrike #1
  4. (англ.) M. C. Skinner and W. K. Rienjang. Locating the Apraca Dynasty: New Evidence for an Old Problem. Religion, Society, Trade and Kingship: Archaeology and Art in South Asia and along the Silk Road, 5500 BCE-5th Century CE. Dev Publishers & Distributors. New Delhi.
  5. (англ.) Johnny Cheung. On the Origin of the Terms «Afghan» & «Pashtun» (Again). Studia Philologica Iranica. Gherardo Gnoli Memorial Volume. ROMA. SCIENZE E LETTERE. 2017
  6. Nayef Al-Rodhan. A Neurophilosophy of Fake News, Disinformation and Digital Citizenship
  7. оглядово: (англ.) Soroush Vosoughi, Deb Roy. A Semi-automatic Method for Efficient Detection of Stories on Social Media. Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 2016